Call it arrogant condescension or silent admission of guilt, but
Pakistan’s MI doesn’t mince words or ride hyperboles to get its point
across. It acts. Using words for daggers is signature characteristic of
Pakistan’s political parties and rabble rousers who far from acting in
favor of national interest have proved time and again to have no qualms
about jeopardizing it for personal/ political gains. If Kargil was
anything to go by the military- government divide is going to do the
nation no favors. And yet a caliginous affair like ‘Memogate’ blew up
last year taking the nation’s top echelons to await trial in what has
the makings of a trilateral Shakespearean tragedy.
A constant imbalance between the three powerhouses’ (namely the Military, Parliament and the Judiciary) results from a lack of clearly demarcated boundaries and responsibilities set forth by the constitution. Even areas where the constitution does spell out limitations and duties, they have been deliberately lost in parlance owing to the legal genius of whatever institution is in power; the verdict being flagrant abuse and disrespect for the Constitution.
The
landmark independence of the judiciary unfortunately it seems has had
the side effect of creating a brand of whistle blowing and covert
vigilantism for political manipulation and gain: the Mehran Bank scandal
where the messenger is being blamed; Missing persons case where the
Army is publicly being maligned for doing a job the judiciary has washed
its hands of and what the government is equally complicit in; and then
this. Accused of treason stand the President and former Pakistani
Ambassador to the US if what Mansur Ijaz has stipulated is true, and Ex
DG-ISI Shuja Pasha maintains that Mansur Ijaz has submitted sufficient
evidence to prove his story.If Ijaz’s narrative is to be believed, then the Government’s level of paranoia hit unprecedented levels with a proviso in the memo alleging that the political scenario in the country had deteriorated and that the Army wanted to oust the civilian government and if that happens, ‘Pakistan becomes a sanctuary for UBL’s legacy and potentially the platform for far more rapid spread of al Qaeda’s brand of fanaticism and terror.’ However, ‘A unique window of opportunity exists for the civilians to gain the upper hand over army and intelligence directorates due to their complicity in the UBL matter’. The draft unwittingly undiplomatic at best exemplifies the extent of mistrust between the two most powerful institutions in the country.
There has never really been any love lost between Haqqani who published his book Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military in 2005 while at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, relying on his ethos to confirm America’s worst fears: the Pakistan Army and Afghan militants have each other’s backs, and the Military. Not to comment on whether or not the ‘evidence’ Haqqani posits in his book or his opinions are true or not, fact of the matter is Pakistan did have its own Stars and Stripes banner waving in DC, and the Military wasn’t ecstatic about it.
If Mansur Ijaz’s credibility is indubitable as Pasha ascertained it was[1] (as far as the evidence is concerned), Ijaz also mentions that the memo was drafted in response to Pasha meeting Arab leaders to conspire against the present government. This announcement was met with cries of outrage from the Parliament that called for Pasha’s resignation in line with Haqqani’s earlier resignation, as it counts as an extra constitutional step to undermine the present government and under Article 6 the Parliament reserves the right to try people for High Treason (calling into question the Supreme Court’s assertion that respondents in this case can be tried for treason, even though the President is one of them; in which case another constitutional clause claiming Presidential immunity can be evoked)
This imbroglio goes a step further when one views it in light of context: 3rd May 2011, personnel from the 111 Brigade were allegedly summoned to Islamabad, a move that wasn’t confirmed by ISPR but enough to make the government see red[2]. The meeting between Gilani, President Asif Ali Zardari and Chief of Army Staff Ashfaq Parvez Kayani on 7 May 2011 regarding the OBL operation probably did not end on a pleasant note as is evident by rumors regarding Pasha’s pending resignation in connection with the OBL intelligence failure began to circulate.
No one is foolish enough to pick favorites in this game. Haqqani and Ijaz have a history rank with duplicity and taking ones word over the other would be ingenuous to the say the least. Fact of the matter is Ijaz’s transcripts of his BBM exchange with Haqqani could be easily doctored and without Research in Motion’s seal of confirmation, cannot be taken at face value. Thus nothing conclusive can be established based on the repository of information we have at the moment.
The role of the Supreme Court here however must be studied, the interventionist side of which has remained dormant for six decades. Is it now being employed by the other two institutions to undermine each other? Or is it a search for another hook to hang Zardari and his industrious government from? It’s possible the SC is in cahoots with the ISI here exacting its revenge for Zardari opposing CJ’s reinstatement. After all it did make mincemeat of the NRO; is adopting Pasha’s statement as its official stance and included the possibility of impeachment of its own volition. Only time will clarify this treacherous broth reminiscent of the final act of Julius Caesar.
By Sarah Eleazar
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